Last month, Governor Muhammad Inuwa Yahaya of Gombe state hosted, or more correctly, orchestrated, a political con. Under the guise of civic engagement, selected individuals were invited to the Government House and made to stage what official channels later framed as a “quest for justice.” At the center of this carefully arranged spectacle was Senator Danjuma Goje.
But, everyone who understands the politics of Gombe knows that this was not an organic outcry. It bore all the hallmarks of a scripted performance where actors were carefully assembled, lines rehearsed, and a predetermined target identified. The objective was clearly to manufacture a narrative that would justify an ongoing political campaign against Goje, a man who, by all standards, remains one of the most influential figures in the political history of Gombe.
Indeed, Inuwa Yahaya was a political godson of Danjuma Goje, rising to prominence on the back of the latter’s formidable structure. It was Goje who provided the platform, the structure, and the political goodwill that propelled Yahaya into relevance. Yet, in what has now become a defining feature of his political trajectory, Yahaya has chosen to turn against his benefactor, igniting a fierce rivalry that has refused to abate.
Past attempts to shutdown Goje by Yahaya are well documented. First, there were calculated attempts to expel Goje from the All Progressives Congress (APC), a move that failed, as the courts intervened to reinstate his membership. Then, some elements believed to be working under the directive of people high in the government of Gombe state unleashed thugs to bar Goje from gaining access to Gombe town. After all these, one would have expected that the legal and moral setback would inspire a rethink. Instead, it appears to have hardened Yahaya’s resolve to remove Goje from relevance, perhaps with some urgency now that his second term as governor is coming to an end and, with it, the privileges of executive powers of state.
Recent events tend to support this position as Yahaya now seems singularly more driven by an obsession to politically neutralise Goje. Needless to say this obsession has gradually evolved into a distraction from governance and party cohesion.
First, a gathering involving some individuals from Yemaltu-Deba was staged, but events took an unexpected turn. A much larger and more representative group of sons and daughters from the same locality organised a counter-event, openly declaring their continued support for Goje. The contrast was like light and day. Where the government-sponsored gathering appeared contrived, the solidarity event appeared rather organic and carried the weight of authenticity.
While one would have expected this outcome to serve as a reality check, it instead triggered a recalibration. Having failed to weaponise Yemaltu-Deba sentiment against Goje, Yahaya swiftly shifted his focus to Akko. In a familiar pattern, another group of so-called “leaders” was assembled and presented to the public as voices of reason. But their message was curious and strange. Where the Deba bloc rightly demanded that the Gombe Central senatorial seat be zoned to them, Akko leaders wanted it to be zoned out of Akko local government area, a move that would effectively sideline Goje from future contention.
The interesting thing about the so-called Akko leaders is that beneath the façade they projected lies a profound contradiction. Many of these individuals now paraded as advocates for “equity” are themselves products of Goje’s political mentorship. Their rise in politics, their access to opportunity, and in many cases, their current relevance can be traced directly to the influence and benevolence of the very man they now seek to displace.
When you put everything together, it becomes very difficult not to view this as a theatre of betrayal, one orchestrated by a former protégé who appears determined to dismantle the very structure that nurtured him.
More puzzling, however, is the logic being advanced. Is it not curious that a local government area, home to a sitting senator widely regarded as effective in representation, would suddenly agitate to relinquish such a strategic advantage? What possible incentive could justify such a demand? What promises have been made behind closed doors that outweigh the tangible benefits of retaining a performing senator?
If the senatorial seat is to be ceded, what is the compensatory arrangement? Is there a guarantee of greater political capital, or is this merely a gamble driven by elite manipulation? These are questions that demand honest answers.
At this point, Yahaya’s fixation on Goje’s senatorial seat has reached a critical threshold, making it necessary to interrogate the governor’s understanding of justice and equitable power sharing. Is justice, in his estimation, limited to the removal of Goje? Or is it a principle that should be applied consistently across all levels of political representation? For context, let us take a brief stroll down the recent political history of Gombe state.
Looking at the political history of Gombe, the North has dominated the governorship for the majority of the democratic era. The state’s first elected governor, the late Abubakar Habu Hashidu from Dukku local government area in Gombe North, served until 2003 before losing re-election.
He was succeeded by Senator Danjuma Goje from Gombe Central, who governed the state for eight years. After Goje came Ibrahim Hassan Dankwambo, also from the northern zone, who equally completed two terms. Today, Governor Inuwa Yahaya himself also hails from the northern axis of the state. What this means in practical terms is that, in the nearly three decades since Nigeria returned to democratic governance, Gombe North has produced the majority of the state’s leadership.
Meanwhile, the southern zone comprising Billiri, Balanga, Kaltungo, and Shongom, has never produced a governor. For many people in the Tangale-Waja axis of the state, this historical imbalance raises serious questions about fairness and political inclusion. So, if the conversation today truly revolves around justice, then it cannot stop at Yamaltu-Deba or Gombe Central. The issue must extend to the broader question of representation across the entire state.
The Tangale-Waja people have a long list of accomplished individuals; administrators, academics, professionals, and political figures who have distinguished themselves nationally and internationally. Yet, despite these credentials, the region continues to remain outside the governorship equation. If this persistent exclusion does not constitute marginalisation, then many residents of the southern zone wonder what does.
Therefore, if Governor Yahaya genuinely wishes to demonstrate his commitment to fairness and equity, he must extend the same principle to other political questions within the state. For instance, if justice demands Akko relinquishes the Gombe Central senatorial ticket, then justice should also demand that the Tangale-Waja axis or even Akko be given a realistic opportunity to produce the next governor of the state.
The same principle can be applied within Gombe North itself. Of the five local government areas in the northern senatorial district, two—Kwami and Funakaye—have not produced a senator since 1999.
But such considerations do not align with the current agenda. The uncomfortable truth is that this is less about justice and more about a targeted political campaign. For instance, during the recent gatherings with the Akko stakeholders, Yahaya reportedly claimed that APC lost at Goje’s polling unit and ward in the last election. This assertion has more to it than meets the eye.
Yes, records show that Goje not only secured victory in his polling unit and ward but also won the senatorial election convincingly, even without an aggressive campaign, and one lone house of representative member, Hon. Kumo rode on his back to be the only rep who secured victory in 2023. What further transpired could be as a result of the discomfort the people have with the APC and the way they treated Goje.
The same cannot be said of Yahaya. As the leader of the party in the state, chairman of the Northeast Governors’ Forum, and zonal coordinator for the presidential campaign, expectations were high, yet, the result was utter failure. The APC failed to win Yahaya’s polling unit and ward, with opposition candidate Atiku Abubakar of the PDP beating President Bola Ahmed Tinubu of the APC in all areas where the governor was expected to dominate.
That failure is indeed indicative of deeper structural issues within the party at the state level: the infighting, all orchestrated by a governor who is not only expected to be the leader of the party, but someone expected to unite the party around a common cause.
For perspective, one needs only to revisit 2019. At the time, Goje, as the de facto leader of the party in Gombe, delivered both the governorship for Yahaya and the presidential vote for Muhammadu Buhari. The strategy was straightforward: unity within the ranks, disciplined coordination, and a shared commitment to party success. That formula appears to have been abandoned.
The internal fractures that characterised the 2023 elections can, in large part, be traced to the prolonged conflict between Yahaya and Goje. The attempt to sideline a major stakeholder weakened the party’s cohesion and ultimately its electoral performance. Indeed, but for Goje’s individual political strength, the APC might have faced an even more devastating outcome in Gombe. His victory stood out as a rare bright spot in an otherwise challenging electoral cycle for the party in the state.
What is troubling is that, rather than recalibrate, the same patterns are re-emerging. The early signs of renewed internal conflict suggest that lessons from the recent past remain unlearned. The same playbook, marked by exclusion, confrontation, and political brinkmanship, is once again being deployed, with potentially far-reaching consequences.
At a time when political parties are expected to consolidate, rebuild trust, and prepare strategically for future contests, Inuwa Yahaya of Gombe is trying to lead the ruling party to drift towards another cycle of self-inflicted setbacks. This is a dangerous trajectory, and should worry the party hierarchy.
Leadership, at its core, requires the ability to rise above personal grievances in pursuit of collective goals. The continued targeting of Goje, particularly through methods that appear contrived or divisive, risks undermining not just individual relationships but the broader stability of the party. It is, therefore, imperative that voices of reason within the party, both at the state and national levels, intervene.
The stakes are too high for personal vendetta to dictate political direction. If the current course is not corrected, the APC in Gombe may find itself facing a far more formidable challenge in 2027 than it anticipates and the president will be worse off for it. And when that moment comes, the consequences of today’s choices will be impossible to ignore.
The politics of Gombe is at a crossroads. The APC under the current leadership of Yahaya is faced with an existential threat of its own making. The outcome, if nothing is done, could be catastrophic not just for the survival of party candidates in the state, but also the president’s re-election bid. This is why the party leadership at the centre must intervene now before it gets out of hand.
